Another topic that deserves comparison between the coup movement of 64 and that of today is its conduct towards the Amazon. The media allegation that the communists were plotting a coup is much debated, and that they would soon take power if Jango was not arrested.
In fact, the Soviet Union had spies in Brazil. The Brazilian university is inexcusably negligent and does not seek to research the matter; even so, a Brazilian self-taught man managed to bring to light documents of the Czech secret service in Brazil, collected in 1964: The missing link of communism (See: 2017).
Given the reach of the Soviet Union’s tentacles, it would be surprising if it didn’t have a secret service operating in Brazil . The same is true of the United States, whose role in IPES and IBAD is inflated by the left in order to transform the phenomenon of 64 into something entirely crippled. by the CIA. Between having CIA influence and being determined by the CIA, there is a distance. In the same way, between having Soviet influence and determining a communist coup, there is a distance. If every secret service action involved successful coups d’état, there would be all kinds of coups all over the world.
It is rash to say that there would certainly be a communist coup in Brazil if there were no military coup. Not even the most passionate anti-communists predicted an invasion of Brazil by a foreign power. Would a successful communist barracks be possible? Now, communists within the Army were in the minority since the cleanup carried out by Vargas – this cleanup that would be concluded in 64. If there were to be a surrender of the whole of Brazil to communism, it would have to be from the top, by Jango. But Jango himself was a Labor and not a Communist; he was an heir to Vargas, a full-blooded Communist persecutor who smiles at Hitler minutes before joining the Allies. Sometimes a Vargas heir could receive money from Fidel to carry out the Revolution – but with no guarantee that he wouldn’t take the money and use it to buy a farm in Uruguay.
Looking back, It seems that the greatest benefit of the 1964 coup was not to prevent a communist coup, but to prevent the Brazilian Amazon from being equal to the Colombian one – with all its consequences to the rest of the country.
This immense portion of the inhospitable national territory, conquered with the sweat of the colonizers, of miscegenation, battles, peaceful treaties and even a revolution, has always had a low population density, much lower than the rest of Brazil. However, this territory full of dangerous animals and angry Indians, where the white man could not set foot without quinine, turned out to be full of natural riches. The military then had a real obsession with Brazilian sovereignty in the Amazon, which would need to be occupied by Brazilians. It was necessary to “integrate in order not to deliver”.
In 1964, Castello Branco takes the number one step in this direction, which is the creation of the Manaus Free Zone with the aim of industrializing the region and generating jobs that would lead Brazilians from other regions to move there. It is a liberal economic incentive, generated by the tax exemption. In addition, measures were taken in favor of land tenure regularization in the region.
The creation of the pole preceded, in a few years, another attempt to occupy the Amazon, this one made by the guerrillas. While Communists loyal to Prestes of the PCB dropped guerrilla dreams shortly after the Khrushchev Report and became Gramscian in obedience to Moscow, dissent spread into a myriad of non-Soviet acronyms and guerrilla factions. The foquistas admired Che Guevara and intended to create foci of popular revolt. The Maoists, on the other hand, were inspired by the model of successful peasant revolt in China. Many paths led to the Amazon.
Young idealists against Brazil yesterday
Between the end of the decade of 60 and the beginning of 70, some university students from PCdoB fell from the great centers urban dwellers and headed for Araguaia to instill consciousness in the peasant masses and foment the revolution. To this unassisted area, the guerrillas took teachers and even a doctor. One of the most problematic and neglected chapters of the guerrillas is that of poor young people who took a shooting lesson from the guerrillas, along with literacy classes. It is simply a matter of recruiting child soldiers, paid with basic skills. (In this regard, see Butterflies and werewolves, by Hugo Studart.)
It is interesting to note that this also occurred in a certain parallelism with a military initiative: the Rondon Project, which emerged at the end of the 1990s , which took university students to the Amazon with the aim of applying there their knowledge in the service of the needy population.
Well, reading about the difficulties faced by the military in breaking up the Araguaia guerrilla, it is easy to see the size of the problem that was contained there. The difficulties were due not to weaponry, skill or quantity. In fact, the university students were left to their own devices by the PCdoB, which did not get funding from China, went to Albania, got only moral support from it, but sent the boys and girls anyway. Even abandoned, they were troublesome because they managed to infiltrate the squatter populations, and it took an intelligence operation to find out who the guerrillas were among the local population. The CIE military also had to disguise themselves as country people.
All this happened concomitantly with the existence of the FARC. These, in turn, would become involved with drug trafficking only in the 1990s 64. In other words: we can well imagine the kind of headache we would have today, in the Amazon, if the guerrillas were not stopped in their indoctrinating activities. A scenario similar to that of the senderistas could perhaps be drawn: areas of difficult access full of militarized fanatics causing bloodshed in the countryside, without causing great commotion to the public power.
Young idealists against Brazil today
Today there are forces linked to foreign powers acting in the Amazon: the NGOs. The story told by General Villas Boas of the soldier who had informed him of the presence of the King of Norway in an indigenous village should have become notorious. As he explained in Bial’s program, the king had not asked for authorization from Brazil, nor had he informed our country. Another story that should have become notorious is the one told by Aldo Rebelo in an interview with Oeste this month: that he had tried to enter an indigenous area accompanied by a military friend, but the NGOs that took care of the Indians would not consent to the presence of a member of the Army. in the region.
Another complaint that deserved to be heard carefully is that of Ricardo Salles, repeated to the four winds at least since his departure from the ministry: the Amazon Fund is not given to Brazil so that the country decides what to do with the money, but to a handful of NGOs who do what the donor countries decide. It is evident that Brazil’s sovereignty over the Amazon is under attack.
Today, there is too much power handed over to NGOs, which operate hand in hand with the Judiciary. Just as the areas of communication and education are very ideologized, so are the areas of anthropology and biology. It is difficult to find exempt professionals to provide exempt technical opinions. However, it is on the basis of supposedly technical and supposedly exempt opinions that Public Ministry actions are opened and judicial decisions are taken. That is why Brazil is at the mercy of having its works of national integration blocked by the courts and against the will of the people. (I have Ferrogrão in mind.) Our energy production is also compromised by this activism – see the Belo Monte plant dealing with the MP and Ibama, as well as the non-integration of energy from Roraima to the rest of Brazil because of of problems with indigenous lands on the way.
Alienated as it is, the Brazilian right complains a lot about Biden sabotaging the US, but does not seek to inform itself of the energy status of this country that lives on renewable energy and, thus, it is sabotaged in every possible way by judicial activism. Everything that the military regime did good, the judiciary regime does bad.
From the Amazon to the favelas
In Colombia, the lack of control over the Amazon ended up becoming an urban tragedy and causing serious problems for the sovereignty of the country, which, since accepting the partnership with the DEA to fight Pablo Escobar, ended up becoming a satellite country of the USA. And they continue like this with the election of Gustavo Petro, who, despite his past as a communist guerrilla, is indistinguishable from a progressive of the Democratic Party. He even proposed the creation of another Amazon Fund, which is the right gateway for NGOs, and will take the idea to the UN at the next climate conference.
The alliance between guerrillas and drug trafficking, as everyone knows , also took place in Brazil, although in a much less dramatic way. The Red Command emerged in the military regime because the urban guerrillas (disciples of Marighella) and the gangsters were arrested together. However, any Brazilian will agree that urban violence has become a catastrophe in the New Republic. The PCC only appeared in 1993. The figure of the cracudo, in my memory, only appeared in Salvador, when I was in college: between 2008 and 1993, and it was called “bag”. In the years 90, at least in Salvador, the drug of thieves was cobbler’s glue.
Also in Brazil the issue of drug trafficking culminated in the loss of sovereignty, and this in the heart of Rio de Janeiro: see Fachin’s monocratic decision, which prevents the police from entering a hill. As for the Amazon, it doesn’t take much imagination to think about how these NGOs behave in areas close to the cocaine triangle where they don’t let the Army in.
So we are left with this: in 1964, the military carried out a coup with the support of the media and Congress to take away the president’s powers more or less elected, arrest conspirators who wanted to establish a totalitarian dictatorship, strangle party life and save Brazil’s sovereignty. In the present decade, the Judiciary has carried out a coup with the support of the media and Congress to take away the powers of the president-elect, arrest dissidents who talk in private about what would happen in the event of a coup, strangle party life and surrender Brazil’s sovereignty. .