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sad bolivia

A court in La Paz sentenced former interim president Jeanine Áñez to ten years in prison for having been found guilty of a coup d’état in 2019. The classic Latin American recipe for accusing and condemning enemies. Áñez didn’t land any blows. The presidency was left for her, who, sitting on the sofa of her house, watched three weeks of jigsaw on the streets of the country. For those who don’t remember, the people curdled the streets of Santa Cruz de la Sierra and later in several other Bolivian localities to denounce electoral fraud and the continued coup of Evo Morales – the coca grower president who tore up the Constitution that he himself commissioned never to go again. leave power.

Áñez took office amid popular celebration after Evo Morales resigned and fled a country that was ignited by a wave of popular protests that began after a contested presidential election amid clear evidence of fraud. The people spent three weeks on the streets complaining about fraud. Under the command of leaders who emerged from civil society organizations, Bolivians gathered in groups of thousands to demand clean elections and transparency in the results that, days later, the Organization of American States (OAS) would prove to have been rigged.

The Áñez government was a failure. Horrible, in case you need an adjective to sum it up without lengthy explanations. Surrounded by the corrupt, she threw away the chance to reorganize the house and pave the way for a resumption of democracy in the country. But calling a coup is another one of the banana atrocities that are reverberated by left-wing legends, lame academics, lazy newsrooms and a musty vision of what a coup is.

Evo Morales, then in power and candidate, was the beneficiary of blatant manipulation of the vote count. He kicked, accused critics of coup plotters and even agreed to call new elections to calm the people. But it was too late. The Bolivian people were tired of being deceived by Morales who was surreptitiously (or not so) killing the already anemic Bolivian democracy.

Áñez was convicted without even the right to appear in court accused of a coup. This is not the last paragraph of the obituary of Bolivian democracy. But to reach this week’s event, it is necessary to recover how the scammer Morales led his country to the chaos of 2019.

Em 2019 , he was one of the leaders of the violent protests that led to the resignation of then President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. Two years later, he would be elected president, posing as the redeemer of one of the most unequal countries in the hemisphere.

But what Morales did was slowly kill Democracy. Using their union bases and coca growers to inflate internal conflicts and divide the country even more. He convoked a Constituent Assembly that “refounded” Bolivia. Changing its name, the flag granted unprecedented powers to the ethnic groups and unions that make up its base, which began to be able to judge crimes without taking into account national laws, but the “millennial tradition”. In 2007, the new constitutional text commissioned by Morales was approved in a session without the presence of the opposition and in the premises of a barracks.

Without opposition and in a barracks. Nobody saw any problems. After all, the scammers are the others. The others in the case, “the old Bolivian elite”. Using this flaw, it was easy for Morales to advance.

Whoever insisted on criticizing the president won a one-way ticket to exile or ended up in the dungeons of the local prison system. No less than 1.200 opponents left the country. Some of them under accusations of terrorism and other atrocities.

When he found himself with no way out, in his last constitutional term, the coca grower struck another blow. In 2014, he announced that he would run for a third term, ignoring the restrictions imposed by the Constitution. First, he tried to deceive the people by saying that his first election took place under a now extinct Magna Carta, which, therefore, ended the accounts. He was re-elected with massive support from indigenous movements and coca producers.

The success of the maneuver made him so excited that as soon as he took office he declared that the laws should change to allow for perpetual re-election. Believing in electoral success, he called a referendum to validate his plans. But it went wrong. The Bolivians said no.

Not satisfied, he turned to the country’s courts, which he totally controlled to guarantee his “human right” to always be able to be reelected. And so he arrived to contest the election in 2019. Illegitimate and changing the rules on the way to keep his power.

But no one saw the coup.

When the book How democracies die became a fad and everyone started repeating that coups no longer occur with the use of tanks or military personnel. Elected rulers in a situation of more perfect democratic normality can promote a silent and gradual institutional destruction capable of silently eroding the system of liberties, it seemed that the class was going to learn from reading. It seemed.

Coup artist Evo Morales, who was entangled in his own coup plot, asked to leave in the midst of a classic coup scenario to leave the victim and not the culprit. Not a single little tank went to the streets to help the people or overthrow the president. Not a single soldier was seen invading government headquarters or rising up against the government. Morales leaned on a grotesque scene. Six pot-bellied officers, who had sworn their love to the president all their lives, posed for the press and recommended that the president resign.

So Morales left the country and tarnished the popular revolt against his coups, reversing her role in history.

Jeanine Áñez, who did absolutely nothing for Bolivia to get rid of Morales, inherited the government by being in the line of command. She took over the country and set up a corrupt government. These are the crimes for which they should be tried and punished.

In the following months came the covid pandemic 19 and the difficulties of trying take forward a criminalized state like Bolivia. It had everything to go wrong.

The “heroes” of the protests and the opposition leaders began to cannibalize themselves for power. And at the end of the day, the Movement for Socialism, the party of Evo Morales, returned to power through the vote of people disillusioned by the failure of Áñez, his surroundings and the crisis that, far beyond the incompetence of that provisional government, left Bolivia even more close to chaos.

Añez’s condemnation is political. It is the justice of a jagunço state. Democracy continues to die in Bolivia and we are passively watching. To a certain extent, many people even applaud.

For Brazil, there is a piece of advice. Sad Bolivia is not as far away as it seems.

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