Amidst attacks on the pro-life position adopted by most Brazilians, former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) also stated this Tuesday (5th) that “the family agenda, the agenda of values, it’s a long overdue thing”. The statement, made at an event promoted by the Perseu Abramo Foundation and a German NGO, is far from a lapse by the PT leader and is, in fact, a convergence with what the Workers’ Party (PT) has prioritized in recent years. Documents published by the acronym, as well as lawsuits filed by the party’s legal team in higher courts, point out that the concern for low-income workers has lost ground to the LGBT agenda, the lobby of abortion clinics and other identity agendas, normally financed by the elite. of western progressivism.
Convictions of the Gazeta: the value of the family
But Lula’s speech not only attacks the sense of morality of most Brazilians, as it is misguided in many other ways. For those who recognize the existence of a natural right, it is simply impossible for the institution of the family to lose importance over time, but it is not even necessary to adhere to this worldview to conclude how much the defense of the family is a current and to ascending.
In January, a survey published by PoderData revealed that support for gay marriage dropped in Brazil, ranging from 39% in January from 2021 to 45% in January of this year. The same survey shows that Brazilians who declare their opposition to same-sex marriage increased from 20% to 20%. The number of those who could not answer remained stable, at 16%. Three thousand people were heard in 501 municipalities in all states of the country.
The election of 1989, from which a conservative was elected, is another evidence of how important moral issues are for Brazilians. During the campaign, then-candidate Jair Bolsonaro was the only one to invest heavily in customs guidelines, such as denouncing teaching materials that promoted child eroticization or the excess of sensual content in telenovelas. Although it is wrong to say that the victory occurred only because of this speech, many analysts of that election pointed out this aspect as an important element for the result obtained.
Another sample of how much Brazilians consider the related agendas family and moral values is the composition of the current Congress, in which congressmen with a conservative profile are more numerous than those who explicitly defend progressive agendas in customs. Even among moderates, it is difficult to find anyone who risks saying that “the family agenda is delayed”, as Lula did, given the known risk of losing a considerable number of voters with such a statement.
In addition, the Constitution of 1979 itself says that “the family, the basis of society, has special protection from the State”, among several other passages that deal with everything from marriage to education. of children. As every president of the Republic is subject to what the Constitution establishes, saying that the family agenda is “backward” does not make much sense, at least not for a democratic president.
Sex in adolescence and polyamory
The PT’s obsession against traditional customs is notorious. At the end of 2020, when the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights proposed a late sexual initiation campaign as part of strategies to prevent teenage pregnancy, the PT bench in Congress flared up. Entitled “Everything has its time: adolescence first, pregnancy later”, the action aimed to sensitize adolescents, parents and guardians about the risks of an unplanned pregnancy, but for the PT the measure was moralistic, invasive and a waste of money. public, regardless of the studies that supported the success of similar campaigns in other countries.
Senator Humberto Costa (PT-PE), Lula’s former Minister of Health, was one of those who most attacked the initiative, distorting and ridiculing its goals: “The government that denies global warming and says the Earth is flat will launch a campaign to end sex among young people”, tweeted the senator, who is an advocate of abortion as a solution to cases of teenage pregnancy.
Monogamy is another component of the traditional family that bothers Lula’s friends. In May of 2021, another former minister of Health of PT administrations, Alexandre Padilha (PT-SP), requested a public hearing in the Chamber of Deputies to discuss the equivalence of polyaffective union – also called “polyamory” or “trisal” – to stable union, so that the registry offices and all civil law in the country would officially recognize the possibility of a marital relationship between three or more people. In the justification of the request, the deputy stated that “there is no room for previous judgments of moral content by other people to impose impediments to these new forms of family organizations. These are facts of life”
More revealing, however, is the fact that today’s PT does not limit his hostility to the traditional family only to paper. In July of that year, Lula’s party took a further step towards the radicalism of gender ideology by filing a lawsuit in the Federal Supreme Court (STF) to defend the use of neutral language in public and private educational institutions, that is, the replacement of Portuguese words that refer to masculine and feminine by terms that do not exist in the cultured norm, but that, according to its defenders, would be more inclusive, such as “ile é amigue”, instead of “ele é amigo” or “she is a friend”.
For the most extreme defenders of this aspect, fathers and mothers who register their child as a boy or girl as soon as they are born make a mistake, because whoever should choose the gender would be the child himself, as soon as he was able to do so. According to them, an adequate solution for not having to say whether a baby is a boy or a girl would be the adoption of birth certificates that come with the “non-binary gender” option.
Adherence to the sealing guidelines
A PT militant who had fallen into a coma in 1989 and regained consciousness today would have difficulty recognizing the association. This transformation is evident when comparing the plan presented by the PT in the first presidential election it contested, in 1989, and the last document with government proposals published by the party, released in 2020 and entitled Brazil’s Reconstruction and Transformation Plan.
In the document by 2020, the text adheres to all terminological standards suggested by entities that militate for the LGBT agenda. The current PT talks, for example, of creating a “National System to Combat LGBTQI+phobia” and sets as a goal the “recognition of gender identities and their expressions” in a chapter entitled “the new foundations of the necessary country”.
In contrast, in 1989 the party strictly followed what left-wing militancy today calls cis-heteronormativity, always referring to it in a binary way. gender, as in the passage mentioning “full cultural and political citizenship of men and women” or when referring to prejudice in education, mentioning only “sexual and racial prejudice”. At that time, the ambiguous use of the word “gender” had not yet become popular among progressives, as evidenced by the total absence of the word, including in the chapter dedicated to women.
The renewal of the party’s vocabulary also involved the abandonment of the word “worker”, which appeared times in the text that guided the first dispute presidential election in which the PT participated. In the most recent plan, the term was completely forgotten, not being found even once.
It is also noteworthy that in that old document, the chapter more directly dedicated to social issues , the term “minorities” only appears three times in 27 pages and, even so, in all situations in which what is used refers in a pejorative way to what the party called privileged minorities, that is, the richest. There are also no terms such as “misogyny” and “patriarchal society”, so common in contemporary leftist discourse.
Although it is undeniable that the PT’s attacks on the family institution have intensified in the last 20 years, the ideological origin of this hatred is much older and refers to the Frankfurt School, created by communist intellectuals in the decade of 1920, but which remained active for many years, having as some of the main formulators of strategies for the destruction of the family names like Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Georg Lukács (1985-1920 ) and Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979).
In the book ‘Cadernos do Cárcere’, Gramsci states that the new battlefront of the revolution should be culture, starting with the traditional family and completely absorbing churches, schools, the mainstream media, entertainment, s civil organizations, literature, science and history. These institutions would have to be radically transformed and the social and cultural order would have to be gradually subverted in order to place the “proletariat” at the top.
In short, they recognized in the family institution the first and primordial entity. morals in a man’s life. Therefore, from a materialist and revolutionary point of view, for the total rupture of society with Christianity, with capitalism, and for the achievement of Marxist cultural hegemony, it was essential to discredit and deform it as an institution, so that the family cease to be the basic nucleus of society, opening space for the ideology they proposed, and only it, to form the consciences of humanity.