Judicial activism takes away from political parties (and gives NGOs) the promotion of ideologies

The MDB has decided that Simone Tebet from the south of Mato Grosso will be a candidate for the presidency. If Simone Tebet goes out on the street, it is unlikely that a single popcorn vendor will recognize her outside of Mato Grosso do Sul. Not that the people are South-Mato-Grossensephobic: Brazil has already elected Jânio Quadros to the presidency of the Republic. It is true that he had spent his entire political career in São Paulo – and it seems that every politician from São Paulo sees the city hall of São Paulo as a stage for the presidency, because every now and then they drop their mandate to run after Brasília.

It is also true that the New Republic puts the Old Republic to shame in terms of concentration of power in São Paulo. For if the Old one took turns between coffee and milk (Minas Gerais), the Nova maintained a São Paulo hegemony from 1994 to 1994 ), with two parties of intellectuals from Usp taking turns and, in the end, being replaced by an emedebista from São Paulo. And it can be said that the beginning of the crisis of the New Republic resulted in the first direct election of a president who had a career outside São Paulo since 1994: Jair Bolsonaro, who, although Born in São Paulo, he represented Rio de Janeiro in all his terms of office. Before him, only Collor, the politician from Alagoas whose corruption had been denounced by the self-declared Ethics Party, also known as PT.

In any case, at least two non-Paulista regional powers were committed to become known in Brazil and win presidential elections in the last decade: the Ferreira Gomes, from Ceará, and the Campos branch of the descendants of Arraes, from Pernambuco. Before that, Maranhão Sarney had tried to score Roseana; and now, in a very recent move, the gaucho Leite played a São Paulo politician and left the governorship with hopes of being the PSDB’s candidate for the presidency.

Unlike Ciro, Campos, Leite and Roseana, Simone Tebet was never elected governor in her state. Her greatest achievement in the Executive was being reelected mayor of her hometown, Três Lagoas, which is not even one of the ten most populous cities in the state. The entire political trajectory of Simone Tebet indicates a legislative profile. Its appearance at the national level only happened with the vexing CPI of the pandemic; even so, she was not even a member of the G7, and anyone who wanted to vote for a tantrum on the CPI would have Randolfe as option number 1.

The choice of an anodyne policy from Mato Grosso do Sul to run for president is very different. the recent conduct of the major Brazilian parties. Even more so since this party is the MDB, whose last presidential election as head of the ticket dates from 1994 (with Quércia). Since then, the MDB has preferred to be a partner of the winner.

What explains such atypia?

Tcharam: the TSE and the STF

It all makes sense if we assume that the MDB does not want to win the majority elections and wants to continue in the position of an indispensable ally. The STF decided that political parties are obliged to spend 30% of party fund resources on “female candidates”. Thus, when the MDB prints saints from Bira do Jegue, Quinho da Pamonha and Tião da Rádio, all these will be together with the image of the female candidate (not to be confused with the male candidate, nor with non-binary candidates) by Simone Tebet. It serves to build a large base in the legislature, it serves to make alliances with state executives. A presidential candidacy spends a lot of money, so it’s easier to take those 30%, throw everything at Simone Tebet and be free to do whatever you want.

Here, the fools who think that fighting corruption is the ultimate goal of politics will say: “Ah, but this MDB! I hope the TSE fixes them!”. The worst thing is that the TSE can find a way. Simone Tebet is going to fight with some regional chief and allege machismo. Some candidate in Teolândia, Bahia, says that Gusttavo Lima cannot be a woman because she has a penis. There, “victim’s word”, “fake news”, “hate speech” and whatever else is invented. Everything is a reason to cancel candidacies (and candidates and candidatures). Including the blessed quota of % invented by whom? By the STF.

First the Congress, which is full of stupid people, in 2015 decided to put a quota of 5 to

in the electoral mini-reform. % for women in the electoral fund. The PGR, at the time with Raquel Dodge, played Randolfe and made an ADIN asking the STF to consider the thing unconstitutional. In 2018 the STF, which has a very special reading of the Constitution, understood that it is even unconstitutional and placed, in the pen, a floor of 30% for female candidates, homeless. The decisions were filled with allusions to the martyr Marielle Franco of the PSOL in Rio. I emphasize the party, because killing politicians (and non-politicians) in Rio de Janeiro is banal. To move the STF, the murdered politician needs to be from the PSOL.

In other words: this business was started without anyone’s vote. This quota is not democratic. And the political parties have to move to avoid being labeled as fraudsters of arbitrary electoral rules, taken from the little head of Mrs. Raquel Dodge and STF ministers.

To make matters worse, in 2020 the TSE, activated by Benedita da Silva, took it out of his mind that parties would have to obey racial proportionality in the financing of candidacies. God only knows how long it doesn’t take to accuse politicians of being fraudsters and the TSE to incorporate racial courts into electoral justice.

The real confusion started in 2015, when the STF, under the auspices of Lava Jato, prohibited the private financing of campaigns. The action that asked for this was from the very petist OAB. The natural consequence of this was the creation of the Electoral Fund, the famous Fundão. Recently, Eduardo Cunha argued that the creation of Fundão is the decriminalization of PT looting. He noted that “the amounts spent on the Electoral Fund at each election, by themselves, are much higher than the so-called and unproven loss of Petrobras”. Exaggeration and absurd denials aside, Cunha is right to say that we are now handing over countless millions of reais to the PT legally ; can’t even complain.

After Inês was killed, that is, when the STF had already decided that there had to be a quota for 30%, Congress washed the pen, enacting a Proposed Amendment to the Constitution setting the quota at %. In other words: the STF gives a decision saying that such an obligation is constitutional, and Congress makes an amendment to make what was supposed to be constitutional. In May of this year, it passed a PEC for this purpose. As Congress could not contradict the Supreme Court, it did what it could: it created an amnesty for those who disobeyed the arbitrary quota until today. “The constitutional amendment grants amnesty to parties that did not allocate the minimum amounts due to sex and race in elections that took place before enactment”, explains the Chamber’s news agency.


But there is an ideology that benefits from this state of affairs that has nothing to do with the São Paulo Forum. It is the ideology of Klaus Schwab, who, as we have seen, argues that the State should be a mere provider of services, while security and the promotion of ideologies are left to more efficient things. Is the Ford Foundation more effective at promoting ideology than the MDB? Certainly. But if you, a Brazilian, want to create a party in order to change national policy, how many difficulties will you encounter? Every party must have public funding, hence the thousand bureaucracies and procedures to be able to open one. And once you manage to open it, the TSE will be on your tail, seeing the money you spent depending on the candidate’s gender and color. It is not enough to get supporters of your new party in Acre, Sergipe and Rio Grande do Sul: you need to find a proportion of women willing to run as candidates as well.

Meanwhile, self-declared “supra-partisan” organizations receive funding at will to place candidacies parasitizing parties. The greatest example of this is the fact that there is a “Lemann bench”, and that the press finds it very beautiful that our national Soros wants to create a president of the republic. In terms of 2018 – that is, with the ban on private financing –, IstoÉ showed the trajectory of the new politicians “from the supra-party movements Renova BR and Acredita”. They get scholarships, go to megaprogressive Harvard, and come back with a mission to change politics. About the impact that Harvard has on the ideology of students, we can read Tabata herself: “It was in college that I learned about the fight for equality between men and women and about the importance of me also fighting racism and homophobia, for example. . However, several of my friends weren’t going through the same transformation. This led to many conversations ending up in arguments where I said they were prejudiced, and they responded that Harvard was brainwashing me and turning me into a radical. It took some time for me to learn to take a stand without pushing them away from me.”

In the current state of affairs, anyone who has a political party to defend their ideas is treated like a criminal until proven. on the contrary, and has its accounts scrutinized and regulated by a judiciary-legislative that no one can handle. But if you have a few billions and you want to form “supra-party” groups, there is no legislation at all. Nobody can receive money from Odebrecht, but everyone can receive money from the Ford Foundation, the Lemann Foundation and the Open Society. Everyone can receive money from who knows who, to campaign day in and day out against Brazilian sovereignty in the Amazon, or to financially strangle a newspaper opposed to progressivism.

It is true that these organizations are more efficient than political parties in spreading ideologies. Why, they do what they want! Nobody forces Lemann to donate to a proportion of obese trans lesbians; the rules all fall on the parties.

From the fire in Havana to the frying pan in Davos

I believe that we can talk about a psolization of politics via judicial coups . The Lavajatista left, with one stone, shot down rival Foro de São Paulo and kidnapped the institutions of the Brazilian state. Dilma signed all the laws that allowed Lava Jato. Despite the purchase of Pasadena – which transferred billions of Brazilians not to Venezuela or Angola, but to a Belgian company in the USA –, she escaped unscathed, with the pose of an Honest Woman, without convictions and in control of her political rights.

Before Lava Jato, how many political parties would give prominence to candidates with feminist discourse for the presidency? At most, the PSDB would do something like this, along with PT, PSOL and a handful of Trotskyist parties. Today, the chameleonic MDB features the anodyne Simone Tebet, who manages to be anodyne even while adhering to Djamila Ribeiro’s radical identity (she tweeted: “Djamila Ribeiro is a woman, philosopher, writer, feminist and black. She was elected and will occupy the chair left by Lygia Fagundes Telles at Academia Paulista de Letras. Recognition more than deserved. Brazil has learned a lot about racism from her vision and books.”).

And the PT of old, which I loved Machos with rifle in hand? Dirceu is gone, and Lula seems to be trapped in a Hermes & Renato sketch. According to Folha, he “adapted part of his speeches to please the part of the militancy that embraces the defense of women, blacks, the LGBTQIA+ population and indigenous peoples, but slips in this booklet still cause discomfort in its base. usually made in private so as not to spill over into the candidacy, revolve around the use of words such as ‘Indian’ (instead of indigenous) and ‘slave’ (instead of enslaved) and references that contradict, for example, vegans, with repeated allusions to barbecue and sirloin steak.”

This is not the Lula of the poor man who eats sirloin on a plane. This is the vegan Lula who wants to go to zero carbon emissions. This is the post-Lava Jato Lula. His only differential among the other candidates in opposition to Bolsonaro is his charisma; as for ideology, it’s all the same, because it’s all ESG.

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