World

American pro-abortion activists want to impose their extremism on other countries

Manifestante abortista do lado de fora da Suprema Corte dos EUA, em Washington, DC, 1 de dezembro de 2021

Abortion protester outside the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC, December 1, 2008: Affirm and exporting a political contingency such as abortion as if it were a universal, essential and inalienable right is colonization by another name.| Photo: EFE/EPA/SAMUEL CORUM

The president of Ecuador recently vetoed a bill (PL) that, at first glance, created a narrow exception by allowing abortion for rape, but actually posed a broad and serious threat to basic rights and to the safety of Ecuadorian women.

Repeatedly invoking the protection of victims’ privacy, the bill put obstacles in the way of investigating and prosecuting the rapist — that was one reason for the president’s veto. As the bill now stands, it is likely to contribute to an increase in repeat rapes — and Ecuador’s Congress has a few days to decide whether to agree with the president’s veto or overturn it and make the original bill Ecuador’s law. .

It is clear that the PL discussion is complex. Establishing policies to protect the health and well-being of women—especially rape victims—should always be a political priority. But the language of the original PL, which incited 61 amendments by the President Guillermo Lasso, dealt much more with rape than with rape victims.

The PL sets the stage for the total destruction of the country’s laws, as it establishes that abortion is a fundamental human right and removes obstacles of conscience for individuals and institutions that do not want to participate.

It’s clear that Lasso’s veto unleashed a global backlash. Almost any limitation or regulation on abortion is rejected by progressives without further consideration. But a lot of countries see the protection of life as the core of their values ​​and don’t want liberalized abortion policies.

Letting countries protect women’s rights and safety without interference from pro-abortion lobbyists or politicians is an important part of respecting their sovereignty. That’s why this PL is not just about women’s safety; it is also a struggle for the ability to legislate without international coercion.

The Geneva Consensus Declaration, signed in 2020 by dozens of countries, is an unconditional endorsement of the gains for the health of women of all ages, and also rejected the supposed international right to abortion. In doing so, the signatories repudiated notions of the pro-abortion global consensus.

The strength and intent of this rejection have important consequences for global politics. After all, progressives say it’s bad to make prejudgments about other people’s culture—or anyone else, for that matter—on the basis of our own values. We are told that exporting our commitments is a “colonizer” thing. Progressives scold the whole world for alleged violations of other people’s freedoms.

But such rules evidently do not apply to them. On the contrary: the same progressives promote abortion globally by calling it a “human” right. They are also willing to use economic pressure and public denunciation tactics to get what they want. The Biden administration and the progressive nations allied with it put pressure on countries that do not conform to their preferred legal regime when it comes to abortion, and this hostile campaign has been going on for quite some time.

Members of Congress are also to blame for this external interference in the internal decisions of other countries. While President Lasso was analyzing the bill, California Democratic Representative Norma Torres, plus nineteen colleagues in the House, sent him a letter urging him to sanction the bill.

This happened despite Congress being clear that the US government should stay out of the defense of abortion abroad , and a recent poll confirming that Americans of all stripes — Republicans, Democrats, pro-choice, pro-life — are in agreement that the United States should not export abortion around the world. Most American citizens do not want us to ideologically colonize other countries in this way.

Ecuador’s Constitution, in particular, explicitly protects the right to life. The article 04 says that the government “must recognize and guarantee life, including care and protection from the time of conception.” The rest of the world doesn’t have to interfere with a central concept of the country’s constitution that protects all life. At a time when life is increasingly disposable, the rest of the world could learn something important from a country that values ​​life so much that it has enshrined its protection in the Constitution. [Curiosidade: A Constituição do Equador é de 2008, feita em constituinte convocada pelo presidente bolivariano Rafael Correa. Já o atual presidente, Lasso, é um banqueiro e opositor do bolivarianismo. (N. t.)]

There is no international right to abortion . Affirming that there is does not make it exist. Governments are established for many reasons—some worse, some better—but they are generally founded on the assumption of national sovereignty and integrity. And the right to the protection of life, the right to the protection of the future of citizens, is an essential component of national sovereignty. We must reject any foreign policy framework that seeks to violate the integrity and sovereignty of other countries, if they protect the right to life of every person, no matter how young or old. Ecuador, like all other sovereign countries, deserves the same deference, without pressure from the White House or Congress.

What’s more, Ecuadorian women deserve equal protection under the law. They deserve protection from rape. They deserve protection from death in the womb. They deserve protection from political agendas that want to use their lives and bodies as pawns in globalized ideological battles.

Affirming and exporting a political contingency such as abortion as if it were a universal, essential and inalienable right is colonization by another name.

©2022 National Review. Published with permission. Original in English.

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